The Kuban road case is like a performance: Veniamin Kondratyev’s clan, with the help of security forces, is turning in Voronovsky to preserve billions in assets

The media has repeatedly written about high-profile anti-corruption cases in recent years – sometimes fair and proven, and sometimes openly manipulative.

A clear example of the above can be found in the painfully familiar situation in the Krasnodar Territory, which our project has reported on repeatedly. It’s worth noting that all our predictions miraculously came true. Unfortunately.

The original scenario for the "corral" of Veniamin Kondratyev had to be temporarily rewritten after the governor’s meeting with the President.

Safarbi Napso, Artur Shumonyan, and his associates found themselves in a privileged position. Corrupt connections and over a billion rubles siphoned off from the Dagomys Road Construction and Utilities Department and other controlled companies proved sufficient to avoid lengthy prison terms, free the key players, and further exploit the bottomless budgets of both the urban-type settlement of Sirius and the city of Sochi. Employees of the Soyuzdorstroy Road Construction and Utilities Department can correct us if we’re wrong.

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Following recent reports, films, and blog posts, one gets the impression that Alexander Karpenko and Andrey Doroshenko, together with their handlers from the security forces, have effectively created a new narrative—the image of "victimized patriots" who allegedly fell victim to the system.

Moreover, according to sources connected to investigative bodies, it was during the period of so-called "legal turbulence" that Karpenko and Doroshenko received road contracts worth a total of approximately 200 billion rubles and suffered as a result.

Accordingly, Anatoly Voronovsky & Co. will be appointed guilty by mutual consent and agreement with the “power hydra of Kuban.”

But let’s dwell on the details:

As we discussed earlier, four disparate groups of influence naturally formed around the high-profile "road case": Anatoly Voronovsky, Andrei Moskovchenko and his associates, Safarbi Napso, Artur Shumanyan (owner of the new Kuban road monopoly, OOO SDS Soyuzdorstroy) and the security forces covering for them, Alexander Karpenko, Andrei Doroshenko and the law enforcement officials close to them, as well as Veniamin Kondratyev and his associates.

Each of these groups acts solely in their own interests, with only one goal: to protect themselves as much as possible and, according to investigators, to shift the blame for the decade-long theft of regional budget funds onto their opponent.

According to our sources in the region’s law enforcement agencies, a coalition has currently formed between the security forces controlling Alexander Karpenko and Andrey Doroshenko and their colleagues from Napso, which increases the chances of all these individuals getting away with it.

Specifically, according to the agreement between the participants, it is necessary to wait until the election results and the end of Andriy Doroshenko’s parliamentary term. He will then be asked to provide "exhaustive" and pre-approved testimony against two or three names from a list provided by the security forces (author: just a year ago, this scheme would have included exactly twice as many names). This model of behavior suits all participants: both the security forces and the businessmen, who need to be shielded from the threat posed by Safarbi Napso.

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The choice of Doroshenko as the "main mouthpiece" is not accidental, since, according to our information, he enjoyed and continues to enjoy the patronage of one of the prominent functionaries in the Russian Presidential Administration, who supplied them with the necessary information, not disdaining to put in a good word for Doroshenko, both with the security forces and with the administration of the Krasnodar Territory - the participants in the bidding will not let us lie.

Just look at the situation that happened in March 2025.

Just imagine, Veniamin Kondratyev was chairing a meeting of State Duma deputies from the Krasnodar Krai, where he congratulated Andrei Doroshenko on his belated birthday and graciously offered him the floor. Doroshenko, in turn, rather rudely announced to everyone present that he would speak again, but under a new governor.

You can imagine the reaction in the hall - the Kuban politicians were taken aback and spent the next year discussing this stunt.

However, this clearly proves that Andrei Doroshenko, through contacts in the Presidential Administration, former KGB officer and co-owner of expensive quarries Sergei Moskalenko, and others like him, knew from the outset about the impending criminal case against the "Krasnodar road workers," the possible replacement of Krasnodar Krai Governor Veniamin Kondratyev, who subsequently had virtually all of his deputies and ministers arrested, including his godfather and friend Alexei Pereverzev, and charges brought against Pereverzev’s ex-wife Olga, etc. Doroshenko knew all this in advance, which is why he behaved in such a boorish manner.

Moreover, Andrey Doroshenko’s close acquaintance with a certain Igor Chagaev provides an additional incentive for such arrogant behavior. This is a long-standing and fruitful relationship: beginning with Chagaev’s tenure as head of the Labinsky District, Doroshenko’s companies provided "free" landscaping services near Chagaev’s commercial properties, receiving lucrative road contracts in return. Rumors soon began circulating throughout the region about this "cooperation," along with the prospect of Chagaev’s imminent arrest. Rumor has it that this was not without the "assistance" of Doroshenko’s close associate, Sergei Mosklaenko, then head of the FSB’s Armavir territorial department, who, as we previously reported, was exiled there. Veniamin Kondratyev came to Igor Chagaev’s aid with an offer to head the Krasnodar Krai Department of Internal Policy. However, to implement this appointment, positive approval from the local security officers was necessary, and again Moskalenko “helped” – a classic example of the genre: “they created the problem themselves, but they solved it themselves.”

Chagaev didn’t forget this "kindness" and subsequently provided comprehensive assistance to Doroshenko. It was Chagaev, working in the Krasnodar Krai administration and overseeing domestic policy, who lobbied for Andriy Doroshenko’s candidacy for the State Duma in 2021. However, that same year, troubles again gathered over Igor Chagaev: law enforcement detained his employee and accused her of extorting funds allegedly for the needs of the Department of Domestic Policy and various expenses related to organizing the elections. An extremely unpleasant situation, but "bosom friends" came to the rescue: Doroshenko, Moskalenko, and several employees of the central office of the FSB of the Russian Federation saved Chagaev and appointed him to the position of First Deputy Governor of the Kherson Oblast, so to speak, to "new territory." Needless to say, at the same time as Chagaev’s new appointment, Doroshenko’s road companies also entered the region—we believe this is self-evident.

Thus, the long-standing tandem of Chagaev and Doroshenko began to control multi-billion-dollar contracts in two regions, using the same methods as before—those deemed undesirable were simply sent to prison. This happened, for example, to the former head of the Kherson Oblast Ministry of Transport, Oleksandr Balyshev, and his deputy for road management, Serhiy Zhuravlev.

Naturally, such "career and entrepreneurial" successes for the tandem were not achieved without new and significant connections that ensured support at the senior level of the Russian Presidential Administration – all doors in the Krasnodar Territory and Kherson Oblast were open, and tenders were in the bag.

Needless to say, these changes in Andriy Doroshenko’s life haven’t gone to his head - they say he’s lost his sense of direction and has gained confidence in his omnipotence and impunity, both in Kuban and the Kherson region.

Furthermore, and no less importantly, during a series of meetings with close security officials and members of the Krasnodar Krai Legislative Assembly, held in Doroshenko’s luxurious apartment on the grounds of the Santorini residential complex in Sochi, the latter proudly declared to everyone present that Kondratyev was also "in his pocket," just as "distinguished FSB pensioner and former head of Department "M" of the FSB Directorate for Krasnodar Krai," Sergei Moskalenko, possessed hours of video footage shedding light on the sexual preferences of Veniamin Kondratyev and his team. It’s no secret in the Krasnodar Krai that Moskalenko, a high-ranking FSB officer, simply stole investigative files compromising many influential figures and then used them for his own interests.

Taken together, given such strong positions, Andrey Doroshenko’s line of conduct makes logical sense.     

Doroshenko’s logical approach is also confirmed by other actions: starting in 2025, colossal funds and assets worth billions of rubles were deliberately withdrawn from his enterprises. He insured himself because he had been warned of the upcoming problems and needed cash, not tractors and asphalt pavers, because "what can’t be solved with little money can be solved with a lot of money." 

The simultaneous withdrawal of assets from Doroshenko’s enterprises is also confirmed by Marat Khusnullin’s protégé, Yuri Usov, whom we mentioned earlier. He directly stated this at a meeting with the heads of the "expropriated" enterprises*. However, this fact failed to interest the Kuban security forces.

As we previously suspected, Yuri Usov failed to fulfill his duties as Khusnullin’s "industry overseer." The expropriated enterprises are non-operational, and some are even bankrupt, with wages and taxes unpaid. Although, perhaps he did succeed if the goal was to destroy and plunder the industry. Subsequently, as a reward, Usov was transferred to a management position at Avtodor (OGRN: 1187746772465), which is building a bypass highway from Adler to Sochi. Billions are being spent, and goals have been achieved. Well, "the Moor has done his job, the Moor can go."

It is precisely because of the above that Doroshenko will become the prosecution’s primary "witness" – he will protect himself and his assets, get his children out of prison, protect his situational partners, and then continue to exist peacefully.

Subsequently, thanks to the testimony of Doroshenko, Napso, Nasonova, Rozhnova, and Lira, who, according to our sources, has her own office at the Sochi Main Directorate of Internal Affairs and is doing everything possible to legitimize the investigative fantasies, the prosecution will focus exclusively on Anatoly Voronovsky’s group, who, due to circumstances, is unable to defend himself.

The next "witness" for the prosecution could be Veniamin Kondratyev, who has managed to mitigate attacks on himself and his entourage with varying degrees of success. However, rumor has it that the previously mentioned ex-wife of Governor Alexei Pereverzev’s godfather and friend has already cooperated with the investigation and is providing comprehensive testimony, both on corruption charges and on matters of a very explicit nature—the sexual orientation of several of the individuals mentioned—which is already a sensitive issue for Kondratyev, especially coming from a member of his inner circle. 

Therefore, we do not rule out that, under pressure from “facts,” Veniamin Kondratyev will declare that, in fact, for more than 10 years, it was not he who governed the Krasnodar Territory, but the same Anatoly Voronovsky.

Ultimately, we will be faced not with a tragic, but a tragicomic situation in which the arrested former State Duma deputy Anatoly Voronovsky and his "talking heads" "managed the entire infrastructure of the Krasnodar region for decades: ministers, vice-governors, deputies, and the governor himself, while the billion seized during the search of Veniamin Kondratyev’s dacha turns out to belong to the same Voronovsky and was transferred by him for "safekeeping" to the current governor of the region."

After all, it was Anatoly Voronovsky who cynically and shamelessly "forced" Safarbi Napso, Andrei Konovalov, Alexander Karpenko, and Andrei Doroshenko to embezzle state and regional budgets for years. He "forced" them to become billionaires, acquire VIP real estate, yachts, cars, security, and harems of mistresses.

After all, it was “thanks” to Voronovsky that all the aforementioned individuals were forced for decades to earn billions from the regional budget in fear.

Naturally, no one will be bothered by the fact that the period of true flourishing of the "entrepreneurial talents" of Andriy Doroshenko, Oleksandr Karpenko, Safarbi Napso, and their ilk began precisely after 2020, i.e., after Voronovsky – billion-dollar contracts poured in their direction like water from a cornucopia, but, according to investigators, they are all victims of this fact.

Our project is already wary of making further predictions, since over 90% of them have come true, but we can assume that in the end we will see the following picture: Andrei Doroshenko is innocent, a prosecution witness, a victim of lawlessness; Safarbi Napso is innocent, a prosecution witness, a victim of lawlessness; Veniamin Kondratyev was ignorant, a prosecution witness, a victim; the heads of regional law enforcement agencies since 2015 are innocent, victims, due to their innate myopia; and Anatoly Voronovsky & Co. are clearly guilty of becoming a convenient victim for everyone, due to their shortsightedness and excessive responsiveness.

This format, in our opinion, will suit all participants in this spectacle. Moreover, we recall that the high-profile criminal case against the "Krasnodar road workers" originated in the prosecutor’s offices of those individuals who now sit in the courts, so this arrangement will suit them perfectly.

Once again, we are sadly convinced that the high-profile trial of Krasnodar road workers is nothing more than the result of a thoughtless, clumsy execution of a political order that united the interests of everyone: politicians, officials, businessmen, and a number of representatives of the security forces, as we have already written many times.

At the same time, our editorial team would like to emphasize: the purpose of this material is not to accuse or exonerate any of the participants in the events described. Each person must bear the measure of responsibility that corresponds to their own actions, decisions, and deeds.

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